We go to central Kenya to take a look at the Kĩgamba instrument which is played by the Agĩkũyũ/Gĩkũyũ community, a Bantu ethnic group native to East Africa Central Kenya. At a population of 8,148,668 as of 2019, they account for 17.13% of the total population of Kenya, making them one of Kenya's largest ethnic groups.
Kĩgamba was once called Kibege, pronounced Kifege. The plural version of Kĩgamba is Cĩĩgamba. In a part of Kenya called Mũrang’a it is noted that Cĩĩgamba are some of the instruments used as rhythmic instruments to accompany certain dances. Some popular dances like Kĩbũiya are considered children's first dance, they would tie the small tin rattle or gĩthoguo on their right leg to stamp as an accompaniment. Another popular song is Nguthia that they sing to congratulate the parents on a good harvest.
Kĩgamba is instrumental to the cultural fabric of the Agĩkũyũ community. Let’s have a look at some of these practices where Cĩĩgamba might be used.
Cultural practices, sharing and bonding plays a big role in instilling a sense of identity and belonging. It facilitates direct learning through body rhythmic skills such as musical instrument patterns, language structure and learning about dress code. Songs, games and dances were some common elements used in rights of passage practices and is an educational tool. Children start to experience their roots at the foot of their mothers. We can arguably say that African instruments, folk stories, myths, tales and music in general is integral to its community.
Agĩkũyũ’s music begins early in life. From birth through to childhood, teenagehood and finally to adulthood, you would experience different types of songs and body movements that emphasize different stages from babies crawling, children’s participatory songs and games. Phrases, such as Njahĩ nĩ njũku, ũkai tũkoone mũgeni are used during birth celebration to singing songs like kĩng’uru mwana arĩ naũ, Ena Kĩng’ethũ which advances to children’s dance, games like Marombo which is done while in a circle and squatting. This would advance to the Cũcũ dance that involves a hobbling character, an elderly woman and other actors. The elderly woman plays a role in which she offers to the hobbling character the other actors in the form of goats.
irua - Circumcision is paramount in ushering young ones to adulthood. It is a civic and religious rite. A set routine of ceremonies would be carried to guide the young individuals to their next stage in the community. Months to the actual day, those deemed to be ready would be seen in body paints. Around their waist they would wear thira and goats skins strips tied around their head and legs while the body remains exposed. To express their readiness, boys would sing songs such as Mũthuũ, a call to old folks signifying that they are ready to be circumcised. It is observed that different stages in Agĩkũyũ community call for specific songs and dances like Thaage which are usually in pentatonic scale strictly practiced by women in preparation for food on the eve of a ceremony. Another one is urĩgu wa airĩtu accompanied by rattles - Gĩthoguo, here two soloists lead as they alternate, then to Matuumo songs which usually run throughout the day to express the unpleasant experience they are about to undergo. To regain strength Ngurũ is performed after eight days. Waine songs are accompanied by a bundle of sticks called mũcee. This song which is danced to in a circle marks the end of childhood. Kĩbaata is a rhythmic dance that is considered to be reserved for after circumcision probably a year later. When all stages are completed these energetic boys and girls enter into manhood and womanhood. At this stage, a sense of freedom within the boundaries of social norms are observed as both genders dance together. An example would be in the Gĩcukia dance. A level of restriction is applied when the seniors and initiates mingle. For a boy in initiation to be allowed to dance with a young lady, he would need to offer a goat to the seniors, if this is refused then the new warrior is despised and would be referred to kĩhĩĩ, in this context meaning a stupid uncircumcised boy.
It is important to mention that the above songs and dances are mostly performed by boys though sometimes feature girls in their respective stages. However, there are also dances exclusively for ladies such as Kiĩmoto where hands are used to clap rhythmically in time with the song while dancing with legs close together. Werũ dance is thought to be in sections. It goes through different timings starting with a fractional pick up then continues to six quaver a bar then pause for a period of at least three bars to then loops back. It goes to two crotchet beats to the end. Ihĩndĩ rĩmwe is another dance that has elements of circles, row shapes with hands engagements on hips and holding tight as they respond to mũkui - soloist. It might sometimes be blended with Ũrathi, another song, where ladies kneel in a circle as they firmly touch the ground while beating it to the rhythm. The Gĩtiiro song and dance is reserved for married women only. In this instance, there is less dance if we think of dance as a choreographed sequence. It is more spontaneous and includes elements of rhythmic gesticulations involving head and body. In the Agĩkũyũ community married women are classed according to the different stages of motherhood. This dance is practiced by: Mutumia wa Kang’ei, mother of small children, up to the Mutumia wa nyakĩnyua whose children have got married and are honored with decorated earlobes hang’i. Mutumia wa Nyakĩnyua is the last stage before graduating to Mutumia wa Kiheti, the wise stage.
We've briefly looked at fundamentals and the foundation of the community in which Cĩĩgamba is likely to be used and introduced to the young at different stages and how it develops in communication. According to the sources consulted we are lacking information regarding the impact of this instrument in cultural practices that involved men after circumcision and to some extent girls before becoming mothers. Of course this may need some further literature search before we assume any conclusion. Was this an omission by the author and why? Is this due to lack of information on the subject, lack of research or simply that Cĩĩgamba are not prevalent in the practices in the stage of a girl or man’s life.
Let’s now look at the fabrication of the Kĩgamba instrument.
There has been some form of evolution in materials used for this instrument, supposedly the fabrication process shifted too.
Mabati in the form of iron sheet was the source of making the body of Kibege/Kifenge whereas Kĩgamba uses chuma - metal. It is still observed that recycled tins from cooking oil, cocoa drinking chocolate tins are widely used. Inside the tin there are dried seeds from birds of paradise plant that produces a rattle sound.
From the image/video you can see how the tin looks and the seeds. The ones that are shown here are of sizes 4 inches to 8 inches long with a diameter of 3 inches to 4 inches.
Muchung’wa dance uses a specific fabricated tin that appears to be square or rectangle shaped towards the side that is attached to the leg.
The big question would be before adaptation to the use of tins for fabrication of the instrument what materials did the community use?
Thu Tinda!!!
If you are interested in learning more about Agĩkũyũ community check out the authors below.
Other references.
George W. Senoga - Zake 1986 - Folk music of Kenya
Oral literature 1990, 2008 - Leteipa Ole Sunkuli and Simon Okumba Miruka.
Facebook - Kikuyu Council of Elders
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